neither Adj. keiner | keine | keines. nary a (Amer.) Adj. Tłumaczenia w kontekście hasła "keines" z niemieckiego na polski od Reverso Context: keines davon, keines von beiden, keines der beiden, keines dieser. keines · Reime: aɪ̯nəs. Grammatische Merkmale: Genitiv Singular Maskulinum nicht attributiv des Indefinitpronomens kein. Nominativ Singular Neutrum nicht.

Keines Navigationsmenü

kein. Pronomen – 1a. nicht [irgend]ein; 1b. nichts an; 1c. kehrt das zugehörige Adjektiv ins Zum vollständigen Artikel. keines · Reime: aɪ̯nəs. Grammatische Merkmale: Genitiv Singular Maskulinum nicht attributiv des Indefinitpronomens kein. Nominativ Singular Neutrum nicht. [1] Wir haben keine Äpfel mehr. [1] kein Stück, kein Grund zur Klage, keine Ursache: [2] Sie waren alle Feiglinge: keiner wagte etwas zu sagen. Tłumaczenia w kontekście hasła "keines" z niemieckiego na polski od Reverso Context: keines davon, keines von beiden, keines der beiden, keines dieser. Jetzt keines im PONS Online-Rechtschreibwörterbuch nachschlagen inklusive Definitionen, Beispielen, Aussprachetipps, Übersetzungen und Vokabeltrainer. ke̱i̱n [kaɪn] ZAIM. indef, adjektivisch. 1. kein (nicht ein). neither Adj. keiner | keine | keines. nary a (Amer.) Adj.

Maskulin. Feminin. Neutrum. Nominativ. kein. keine. kein. keine. Genitiv. keines. keiner. keines. keiner. Dativ. keinem. keiner. keinem. keinen. Akkusativ. keinen. rajdowiec.eu | Übersetzungen für 'keines' im Englisch-Deutsch-Wörterbuch, mit echten Sprachaufnahmen, Illustrationen, Beugungsformen. neither Adj. keiner | keine | keines. nary a (Amer.) Adj.

Keines Wörterbuch Video

Keines (Narciss' Schöneberg Version)

La teoria macroeconomica, con alcuni perfezionamenti negli anni successivi, giunge ad una serie di risultati di rilievo nelle politiche economiche attuali.

Nel Keynes, ormai celebre, ottiene il titolo di baronetto , diventando il primo barone Keynes di Tilton. Durante la Seconda guerra mondiale , Keynes sostiene con Come pagare la guerra: un piano radicale per il Cancelliere dello Scacchiere How to Pay for the War: A Radical Plan for the Chancellor of the Exchequer , che lo sforzo bellico dovrebbe essere finanziato con un maggiore livello di imposizione fiscale , piuttosto che con un bilancio negativo, per evitare spinte inflazioniste.

Non riesce tuttavia a raggiungere i suoi obiettivi. Ma incontra l'opposizione statunitense verso la predisposizione di fondi, che Keynes avrebbe voluto essere assai ingenti, destinati a tale scopo.

I fondi vengono predisposti ma sono, per volere americano e grazie all'azione del negoziatore statunitense Harry Dexter White , di dimensioni contenute.

Tra le altre opere di Keynes, meritano di essere ricordate le raccolte Essays in Byography e Essays in Persuasion ; nella prima, Keynes presenta ritratti di economisti e notabili; la seconda raccoglie alcune delle argomentazioni di Keynes volte a influenzare l' establishment politico ed economico negli anni della Grande depressione.

Ebbe in seguito un'importante relazione con il pittore Duncan Grant del Bloomsbury group , di cui lo stesso Keynes era membro, tra il e il ; [9] Keynes avrebbe continuato ad assistere finanziariamente Grant per il resto della sua vita.

Sebbene i due avessero visioni diverse, la loro amicizia non fu mai a rischio. Gli sopravvissero entrambi i genitori morti rispettivamente nel e nel I suoi nipoti furono Richard Keynes - , fisiologo , e Quentin Keynes - , avventuriero e anch'egli bibliofilo come il padre e lo zio.

Secondo alcuni, il parere di Keynes sulla speculazione sarebbe che egli la ritenesse immorale:. Rivedendo le bozze di un importante contributo sugli investimenti azionari, Keynes ebbe a commentare che "le compagnie industriali ben gestite, di regola, non distribuiscono per intero agli azionisti i propri profitti.

Dichiaratamente Keynes sviluppa il proprio lavoro sulla base, e come critica costruttiva, dell'opera degli economisti classici.

Gli economisti Alfred Marshall e Arthur Cecil Pigou , coi quali lavora a Cambridge , ebbero inoltre una rilevante influenza sullo sviluppo del suo pensiero, oltre a divenire l'oggetto di critiche molto severe nella sua opera maggiore, la Teoria generale dell'occupazione, dell'interesse e della moneta.

Ne La fine del laissez-faire , criticando il liberismo economico, Keynes osserva incidentalmente:. Queste dottrine risultano in fin dei conti caratterizzate, non solo e non tanto dal fatto di contraddire la presunzione generale in favore del laissez-faire , quanto dalla loro semplice debolezza logica.

Non ho trovato neanche una sola frase che abbia un qualche interesse per un essere umano dotato di ragione.

Per le prossime vacanze dovresti prestarmi una copia del libro sottolineata. Nonostante il palese disprezzo di Keynes, molti autori rintracciano in Marx alcune anticipazioni del pensiero keynesiano.

En , il entre au King's College de Cambridge. C'est aussi dans ce milieu que se formera le groupe de Bloomsbury dont il sera membre. Il est un membre important du groupe de Bloomsbury , un club qui compte notamment le peintre Duncan Grant , Lytton Strachey , E.

Ce livre passe mal en France [ Note 6 ]. Churchill L'ouvrage se compose de deux volumes. En mai , Keynes est victime d'un malaise cardiaque dont il se remettra lentement.

Il meurt le 21 avril sans descendance. Finalement ce n'est qu'en qu'il terminera son projet avec le Treatise on probability. En effet, pour eux, les salaires et les prix ne sont pas flexibles mais visqueux en raison d'imperfections de l'information [ 43 ].

Robertson dans une lettre qu'il lui adresse traite de journalistique son usage du mot classique [ S 29 ]. Ouvrage avec lequel il se sent en accord profond [ 58 ].

His father, John Neville Keynes, was also always known by his middle name. While he did not formally re-join the civil service in , Keynes traveled to London at the government's request a few days before hostilities started.

Bankers had been pushing for the suspension of specie payments — the convertibility of banknotes into gold — but with Keynes's help the Chancellor of the Exchequer then Lloyd George was persuaded that this would be a bad idea, as it would hurt the future reputation of the city if payments were suspended before it was necessary.

In January Keynes took up an official government position at the Treasury. Among his responsibilities were the design of terms of credit between Britain and its continental allies during the war and the acquisition of scarce currencies.

According to economist Robert Lekachman , Keynes's "nerve and mastery became legendary" because of his performance of these duties, as in the case where he managed to assemble — with difficulty — a small supply of Spanish pesetas.

The secretary of the Treasury was delighted to hear Keynes had amassed enough to provide a temporary solution for the British Government.

But Keynes did not hand the pesetas over, choosing instead to sell them all to break the market: his boldness paid off, as pesetas then became much less scarce and expensive.

On the introduction of military conscription in , he applied for exemption as a conscientious objector , which was effectively granted conditional upon continuing his government work.

In the King's Birthday Honours , Keynes was appointed Companion of the Order of the Bath for his wartime work, [29] and his success led to the appointment that would have a huge effect on Keynes's life and career; Keynes was appointed financial representative for the Treasury to the Versailles peace conference.

He was also appointed Officer of the Belgian Order of Leopold. Keynes's experience at Versailles was influential in shaping his future outlook, yet it was not a successful one.

Keynes's main interest had been in trying to prevent Germany's compensation payments being set so high it would traumatize innocent German people, damage the nation's ability to pay and sharply limit her ability to buy exports from other countries — thus hurting not just Germany's economy but that of the wider world.

Unfortunately for Keynes, conservative powers in the coalition that emerged from the coupon election were able to ensure that both Keynes himself and the Treasury were largely excluded from formal high-level talks concerning reparations.

Their place was taken by the Heavenly Twins — the judge Lord Sumner and the banker Lord Cunliffe whose nickname derived from the "astronomically" high war compensation they wanted to demand from Germany.

Keynes was forced to try to exert influence mostly from behind the scenes. Lloyd George did, however, win some loyalty from Keynes with his actions at the Paris conference by intervening against the French to ensure the dispatch of much-needed food supplies to German civilians.

Clemenceau also pushed for substantial reparations, though not as high as those proposed by the British, while on security grounds, France argued for an even more severe settlement than Britain.

Wilson initially favoured relatively lenient treatment of Germany — he feared too harsh conditions could foment the rise of extremism and wanted Germany to be left sufficient capital to pay for imports.

To Keynes's dismay, Lloyd George and Clemenceau were able to pressure Wilson to agree to include pensions in the reparations bill.

Towards the end of the conference, Keynes came up with a plan that he argued would not only help Germany and other impoverished central European powers but also be good for the world economy as a whole.

It involved the radical writing down of war debts, which would have had the possible effect of increasing international trade all round, but at the same time thrown the entire cost of European reconstruction on the United States.

Lloyd George agreed it might be acceptable to the British electorate. However, America was against the plan; the US was then the largest creditor, and by this time Wilson had started to believe in the merits of a harsh peace and thought that his country had already made excessive sacrifices.

Hence despite his best efforts, the result of the conference was a treaty which disgusted Keynes both on moral and economic grounds and led to his resignation from the Treasury.

Keynes's analysis on the predicted damaging effects of the treaty appeared in the highly influential book, The Economic Consequences of the Peace , published in In addition to economic analysis, the book contained pleas to the reader's sense of compassion :.

I cannot leave this subject as though its just treatment wholly depended either on our pledges or on economic facts.

The policy of reducing Germany to servitude for a generation, of degrading the lives of millions of human beings, and of depriving a whole nation of happiness should be abhorrent and detestable, — abhorrent and detestable, even if it was possible, even if it enriched ourselves, even if it did not sow the decay of the whole civilized life of Europe.

Also present was striking imagery such as "year by year Germany must be kept impoverished and her children starved and crippled" along with bold predictions which were later justified by events:.

If we aim deliberately at the impoverishment of Central Europe, vengeance, I dare predict, will not limp. Nothing can then delay for very long that final war between the forces of Reaction and the despairing convulsions of Revolution, before which the horrors of the late German war will fade into nothing.

Keynes's followers assert that his predictions of disaster were borne out when the German economy suffered the hyperinflation of , and again by the collapse of the Weimar Republic and the outbreak of the Second World War.

However, the historian Ruth Henig claims that "most historians of the Paris peace conference now take the view that, in economic terms, the treaty was not unduly harsh on Germany and that, while obligations and damages were inevitably much stressed in the debates at Paris to satisfy electors reading the daily newspapers, the intention was quietly to give Germany substantial help towards paying her bills, and to meet many of the German objections by amendments to the way the reparations schedule was in practice carried out".

Only a small fraction of reparations was ever paid. In fact, the historian Stephen A. Schuker demonstrates in American 'Reparations' to Germany, —33 , that the capital inflow from American loans substantially exceeded German out payments so that, on a net basis, Germany received support equal to four times the amount of the post-Second World War Marshall Plan.

Schuker also shows that, in the years after Versailles, Keynes became an informal reparations adviser to the German government, wrote one of the major German reparation notes, and supported the hyperinflation on political grounds.

Nevertheless, The Economic Consequences of the Peace gained Keynes international fame, even though it also caused him to be regarded as anti-establishment — it was not until after the outbreak of the Second World War that Keynes was offered a directorship of a major British Bank, or an acceptable offer to return to government with a formal job.

However, Keynes was still able to influence government policy making through his network of contacts, his published works and by serving on government committees; this included attending high-level policy meetings as a consultant.

Keynes had completed his A Treatise on Probability before the war but published it in Keynes developed the first upper-lower probabilistic interval approach to probability in chapters 15 and 17 of this book, as well as having developed the first decision weight approach with his conventional coefficient of risk and weight, c , in chapter In addition to his academic work, the s saw Keynes active as a journalist selling his work internationally and working in London as a financial consultant.

In Keynes wrote an obituary for his former tutor Alfred Marshall which Joseph Schumpeter called "the most brilliant life of a man of science I have ever read.

Britain suffered from high unemployment through most of the s, leading Keynes to recommend the depreciation of sterling to boost jobs by making British exports more affordable.

From he was also advocating a fiscal response, where the government could create jobs by spending on public works.

Keynes advised it was no longer a net benefit for countries such as Britain to participate in the gold standard , as it ran counter to the need for domestic policy autonomy.

It could force countries to pursue deflationary policies at exactly the time when expansionary measures were called for to address rising unemployment.

The Treasury and Bank of England were still in favour of the gold standard and in they were able to convince the then Chancellor Winston Churchill to re-establish it, which had a depressing effect on British industry.

Keynes responded by writing The Economic Consequences of Mr. Churchill and continued to argue against the gold standard until Britain finally abandoned it in Keynes had begun a theoretical work to examine the relationship between unemployment, money, and prices back in the s.

A central idea of the work was that if the amount of money being saved exceeds the amount being invested — which can happen if interest rates are too high — then unemployment will rise.

This is in part a result of people not wanting to spend too high a proportion of what employers pay out, making it difficult, in aggregate, for employers to make a profit.

Another key theme of the book is the unreliability of financial indices for representing an accurate — or indeed meaningful — indication of general shifts in purchasing power of currencies over time.

In particular, he criticized the justification of Britain's return to the gold standard in at pre-war valuation by reference to the wholesale price index.

He argued that the index understated the effects of changes in the costs of services and labor. Keynes was deeply critical of the British government's austerity measures during the Great Depression.

He believed that budget deficits during recessions were a good thing and a natural product of an economic slump. He wrote, "For Government borrowing of one kind or another is nature's remedy, so to speak, for preventing business losses from being, in so severe a slump as the present one, so great as to bring production altogether to a standstill.

At the height of the Great Depression, in , Keynes published The Means to Prosperity , which contained specific policy recommendations for tackling unemployment in a global recession, chiefly counter-cyclical public spending.

The Means to Prosperity contains one of the first mentions of the multiplier effect. While it was addressed chiefly to the British Government, it also contained advice for other nations affected by the global recession.

A copy was sent to the newly elected President Franklin D. Roosevelt and other world leaders. The work was taken seriously by both the American and British governments, and according to Robert Skidelsky , helped pave the way for the later acceptance of Keynesian ideas, though it had little immediate practical influence.

In the London Economic Conference opinions remained too diverse for a unified course of action to be agreed upon. Keynesian-like policies were adopted by Sweden and Germany, but Sweden was seen as too small to command much attention, and Keynes was deliberately silent about the successful efforts of Germany as he was dismayed by its imperialist ambitions and its treatment of Jews.

In , he received considerable support for his views on counter-cyclical public spending in Chicago, then America's foremost center for economic views alternative to the mainstream.

The General Theory challenged the earlier neoclassical economic paradigm, which had held that provided it was unfettered by government interference, the market would naturally establish full employment equilibrium.

In doing so Keynes was partly setting himself against his former teachers Marshall and Pigou. Keynes believed the classical theory was a "special case" that applied only to the particular conditions present in the 19th century, his theory being the general one.

Classical economists had believed in Say's law , which, simply put, states that " supply creates its demand ", and that in a free market workers would always be willing to lower their wages to a level where employers could profitably offer them jobs.

An innovation from Keynes was the concept of price stickiness — the recognition that in reality workers often refuse to lower their wage demands even in cases where a classical economist might argue that it is rational for them to do so.

Due in part to price stickiness, it was established that the interaction of " aggregate demand " and " aggregate supply " may lead to stable unemployment equilibria — and in those cases, it is on the state, not the market, that economies must depend for their salvation.

The General Theory argues that demand, not supply, is the key variable governing the overall level of economic activity. Aggregate demand, which equals total un-hoarded income in a society, is defined by the sum of consumption and investment.

In a state of unemployment and unused production capacity, one can enhance employment and total income only by first increasing expenditures for either consumption or investment.

Without government intervention to increase expenditure, an economy can remain trapped in a low-employment equilibrium. The demonstration of this possibility has been described as the revolutionary formal achievement of the work.

It is precisely with these plants and these men that we shall afford them. The General Theory is often viewed as the foundation of modern macroeconomics.

Few senior American economists agreed with Keynes through most of the s. Keynes himself had only limited participation in the theoretical debates that followed the publication of the General Theory as he suffered a heart attack in , requiring him to take long periods of rest.

Among others, Hyman Minsky and Post-Keynesian economists have argued that as result, Keynes's ideas were diluted by those keen to compromise with classical economists or to render his concepts with mathematical models like the IS—LM model which, they argue, distort Keynes's ideas.

In the General Theory and later, Keynes responded to the socialists who argued, especially during the Great Depression of the s, that capitalism caused war.

He argued that if capitalism were managed domestically and internationally with coordinated international Keynesian policies, an international monetary system that did not pit the interests of countries against one another, and a high degree of freedom of trade , then this system of managed capitalism could promote peace rather than conflict between countries.

His plans during World War II for post-war international economic institutions and policies which contributed to the creation at Bretton Woods of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank , and later to the creation of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and eventually the World Trade Organization were aimed to give effect to this vision.

Although Keynes has been widely criticized — especially by members of the Chicago school of economics — for advocating irresponsible government spending financed by borrowing, in fact he was a firm believer in balanced budgets and regarded the proposals for programs of public works during the Great Depression as an exceptional measure to meet the needs of exceptional circumstances.

During the Second World War , Keynes argued in How to Pay for the War , published in , that the war effort should be largely financed by higher taxation and especially by compulsory saving essentially workers lending money to the government , rather than deficit spending , in order to avoid inflation.

Compulsory saving would act to dampen domestic demand, assist in channeling additional output towards the war efforts, would be fairer than punitive taxation and would have the advantage of helping to avoid a post-war slump by boosting demand once workers were allowed to withdraw their savings.

In September he was proposed to fill a vacancy in the Court of Directors of the Bank of England , and subsequently carried out a full term from the following April.

As the Allied victory began to look certain, Keynes was heavily involved, as leader of the British delegation and chairman of the World Bank commission, in the mid negotiations that established the Bretton Woods system.

The Keynes plan, concerning an international clearing-union, argued for a radical system for the management of currencies.

He proposed the creation of a common world unit of currency, the bancor , and new global institutions — a world central bank and the International Clearing Union.

Keynes envisaged these institutions managing an international trade and payments system with strong incentives for countries to avoid substantial trade deficits or surpluses.

According to US economist J. Bradford DeLong , on almost every point where he was overruled by the Americans, Keynes was later proved correct by events.

The two new institutions, later known as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund IMF , were founded as a compromise that primarily reflected the American vision.

There would be no incentives for states to avoid a large trade surplus ; instead, the burden for correcting a trade imbalance would continue to fall only on the deficit countries, which Keynes had argued were least able to address the problem without inflicting economic hardship on their populations.

Yet, Keynes was still pleased when accepting the final agreement, saying that if the institutions stayed true to their founding principles, "the brotherhood of man will have become more than a phrase.

After the war, Keynes continued to represent the United Kingdom in international negotiations despite his deteriorating health.

He succeeded in obtaining preferential terms from the United States for new and outstanding debts to facilitate the rebuilding of the British economy.

Just before his death in , Keynes told Henry Clay, a professor of social economics and advisor to the Bank of England , [57] of his hopes that Adam Smith 's " invisible hand " could help Britain out of the economic hole it was in: "I find myself more and more relying for a solution of our problems on the invisible hand which I tried to eject from economic thinking twenty years ago.

From the end of the Great Depression to the mids, Keynes provided the main inspiration for economic policymakers in Europe, America and much of the rest of the world.

According to the economist John Kenneth Galbraith then a US government official charged with controlling inflation , in the rebound of the economy from wartime spending, "one could not have had a better demonstration of the Keynesian ideas.

The Keynesian Revolution was associated with the rise of modern liberalism in the West during the post-war period.

Despite his popularity as a war hero, Churchill suffered a landslide defeat to Clement Attlee whose government's economic policy continued to be influenced by Keynes's ideas.

In the late s and s, economists notably John Hicks , Franco Modigliani , and Paul Samuelson attempted to interpret and formalise Keynes's writings in terms of formal mathematical models.

In what had become known as the neoclassical synthesis , they combined Keynesian analysis with neoclassical economics to produce neo-Keynesian economics , which came to dominate mainstream macroeconomic thought for the next 40 years.

By the s, Keynesian policies were adopted by almost the entire developed world and similar measures for a mixed economy were used by many developing nations.

By then, Keynes's views on the economy had become mainstream in the world's universities. Throughout the s and s, the developed and emerging free capitalist economies enjoyed exceptionally high growth and low unemployment.

In late Time magazine ran a cover article with a title comment from Milton Friedman later echoed by U. President Richard Nixon , " We are all Keynesians now ".

The article described the exceptionally favourable economic conditions then prevailing, and reported that "Washington's economic managers scaled these heights by their adherence to Keynes's central theme: the modern capitalist economy does not automatically work at top efficiency, but can be raised to that level by the intervention and influence of the government.

Keynesian economics were officially discarded by the British Government in , but forces had begun to gather against Keynes's ideas over 30 years earlier.

Friedrich Hayek had formed the Mont Pelerin Society in , with the explicit intention of nurturing intellectual currents to one day displace Keynesianism and other similar influences.

Initially the society had little impact on the wider world — according to Hayek it was as if Keynes had been raised to sainthood after his death and that people refused to allow his work to be questioned.

On the practical side of economic life, " big government " had appeared to be firmly entrenched in the s, but the balance began to shift towards the power of private interests in the s.

Keynes had written against the folly of allowing "decadent and selfish" speculators and financiers the kind of influence they had enjoyed after World War I.

For two decades after World War II the public opinion was strongly against private speculators, the disparaging label " Gnomes of Zürich " being typical of how they were described during this period.

International speculation was severely restricted by the capital controls in place after Bretton Woods. According to the journalists Larry Elliott and Dan Atkinson , was the pivotal year when power shifted in favour of private agents such as currency speculators.

As the key event Elliott and Atkinson picked out America's suspension of the conversion of the dollar into gold except on request of foreign governments, which they identified as the beginning of the breakdown of the Bretton Woods system.

Criticisms of Keynes's ideas had begun to gain significant acceptance by the early s, as they were then able to make a credible case that Keynesian models no longer reflected economic reality.

Keynes himself included few formulas and no explicit mathematical models in his General Theory. For economists such as Hyman Minsky , Keynes's limited use of mathematics was partly the result of his scepticism about whether phenomena as inherently uncertain as economic activity could ever be adequately captured by mathematical models.

Nevertheless, many models were developed by Keynesian economists, with a famous example being the Phillips curve which predicted an inverse relationship between unemployment and inflation.

It implied that unemployment could be reduced by government stimulus with a calculable cost to inflation.

In , Milton Friedman published a paper arguing that the fixed relationship implied by the Philips curve did not exist. In the early s stagflation appeared in both the US and Britain just as Friedman had predicted, with economic conditions deteriorating further after the oil crisis.

Aided by the prestige gained from his successful forecast, Friedman led increasingly successful criticisms against the Keynesian consensus, convincing not only academics and politicians but also much of the general public with his radio and television broadcasts.

The academic credibility of Keynesian economics was further undermined by additional criticism from other monetarists trained in the Chicago school of economics , by the Lucas critique and by criticisms from Hayek's Austrian School.

Keynesian principles fared increasingly poorly on the practical side of economics — by they had been displaced by monetarism as the primary influence on Anglo-American economic policy.

A more typical response was to accept some elements of the criticisms while refining Keynesian economic theories to defend them against arguments that would invalidate the whole Keynesian framework — the resulting body of work largely composing New Keynesian economics.

In Alan Blinder wrote about a "Keynesian Restoration", as work based on Keynes's ideas had to some extent become fashionable once again in academia, though in the mainstream it was highly synthesised with monetarism and other neoclassical thinking.

In the world of policy making, free market influences broadly sympathetic to monetarism have remained very strong at government level — in powerful normative institutions like the World Bank , the IMF and US Treasury , and in prominent opinion-forming media such as the Financial Times and The Economist.

The global financial crisis of —08 led to public skepticism about the free market consensus even from some on the economic right.

In March , Martin Wolf , chief economics commentator at the Financial Times , announced the death of the dream of global free-market capitalism.

Galbraith used the 25th Annual Milton Friedman Distinguished Lecture to launch a sweeping attack against the consensus for monetarist economics and argued that Keynesian economics were far more relevant for tackling the emerging crises.

Shiller had begun advocating robust government intervention to tackle the financial crises, specifically citing Keynes. A series of major bailouts were pursued during the financial crisis, starting on 7 September with the announcement that the U.

Government was to nationalise the two government-sponsored enterprises which oversaw most of the U. In October, Alistair Darling , the British Chancellor of the Exchequer , referred to Keynes as he announced plans for substantial fiscal stimulus to head off the worst effects of recession, in accordance with Keynesian economic thought.

By the end of December , the Financial Times reported that "the sudden resurgence of Keynesian policy is a stunning reversal of the orthodoxy of the past several decades.

In February Robert J. Shiller and George Akerlof published Animal Spirits , a book where they argue the current US stimulus package is too small as it does not take into account Keynes's insight on the importance of confidence and expectations in determining the future behaviour of businesspeople and other economic agents.

In the March speech entitled Reform the International Monetary System , Zhou Xiaochuan , the governor of the People's Bank of China , came out in favour of Keynes's idea of a centrally managed global reserve currency.

Zhou argued that it was unfortunate that part of the reason for the Bretton Woods system breaking down was the failure to adopt Keynes's bancor.

Stimulus plans were credited for contributing to a better than expected economic outlook by both the OECD [99] and the IMF, [] [] in reports published in June and July Both organisations warned global leaders that recovery was likely to be slow, so counter recessionary measures ought not be rolled back too early.

While the need for stimulus measures was broadly accepted among policy makers, there had been much debate over how to fund the spending. Some leaders and institutions, such as Angela Merkel [] and the European Central Bank , [] expressed concern over the potential impact on inflation, national debt and the risk that a too large stimulus will create an unsustainable recovery.

Among professional economists the revival of Keynesian economics has been even more divisive. Although many economists, such as George Akerlof, Paul Krugman, Robert Shiller, and Joseph Stiglitz, supported Keynesian stimulus, others did not believe higher government spending would help the United States economy recover from the Great Recession.

Some economists, such as Robert Lucas , questioned the theoretical basis for stimulus packages. Keynes's economic thinking only began to achieve close to universal acceptance in the last few years of his life.

On a personal level, Keynes's charm was such that he was generally well received wherever he went — even those who found themselves on the wrong side of his occasionally sharp tongue rarely bore a grudge.

Austrian School economist Friedrich Hayek was Keynes's most prominent contemporary critic, with sharply opposing views on the economy.

The world will be a very much poorer place without him. Lionel Robbins , former head of the economics department at the London School of Economics , who engaged in many heated debates with Keynes in the s, had this to say after observing Keynes in early negotiations with the Americans while drawing up plans for Bretton Woods: [42].

This went very well indeed. Keynes was in his most lucid and persuasive mood: and the effect was irresistible. At such moments, I often find myself thinking that Keynes must be one of the most remarkable men that have ever lived — the quick logic, the birdlike swoop of intuition, the vivid fancy, the wide vision, above all the incomparable sense of the fitness of words, all combine to make something several degrees beyond the limit of ordinary human achievement.

I am spellbound. This is the most beautiful creature I have ever listened to. Does he belong to our species? Or is he from some other order?

There is something mythic and fabulous about him. I sense in him something massive and sphinx like, and yet also a hint of wings.

Bertrand Russell [] named Keynes one of the most intelligent people he had ever known, commenting: []. Keynes's intellect was the sharpest and clearest that I have ever known.

When I argued with him, I felt that I took my life in my hands, and I seldom emerged without feeling something of a fool. Keynes's obituary in The Times included the comment: "There is the man himself — radiant, brilliant, effervescent, gay, full of impish jokes He was a humane man genuinely devoted to the cause of the common good.

As a man of the centre described by some as having the greatest impact of any 20th-century economist, [37] Keynes attracted considerable criticism from both sides of the political spectrum.

In the s, Keynes was seen as anti-establishment and was mainly attacked from the right. In the "red s", many young economists favoured Marxist views, even in Cambridge, [24] and while Keynes was engaging principally with the right to try to persuade them of the merits of more progressive policy, the most vociferous criticism against him came from the left, who saw him as a supporter of capitalism.

From the s and onwards, most of the attacks against Keynes have again been from the right. What we need therefore, in my opinion, is not a change in our economic programmes, which would only lead in practice to disillusion with the results of your philosophy; but perhaps even the contrary, namely, an enlargement of them.

Your greatest danger is the probable practical failure of the application of your philosophy in the United States.

On the pressing issue of the time, whether deficit spending could lift a country from depression, Keynes replied to Hayek's criticism [] in the following way:.

I should I should say that what we want is not no planning, or even less planning, indeed I should say we almost certainly want more.

But the planning should take place in a community in which as many people as possible, both leaders and followers wholly share your moral position.

Moderate planning will be safe enough if those carrying it out are rightly oriented in their minds and hearts to the moral issue. Asked why Keynes expressed "moral and philosophical" agreement with Hayek's Road to Serfdom , Hayek stated: [].

Because he believed that he was fundamentally still a classical English liberal and wasn't quite aware of how far he had moved away from it. His basic ideas were still those of individual freedom.

He did not think systematically enough to see the conflicts. He was, in a sense, corrupted by political necessity. According to some observers, [ who?

While Milton Friedman described The General Theory as "a great book", he argues that its implicit separation of nominal from real magnitudes is neither possible nor desirable.

Macroeconomic policy, Friedman argues, can reliably influence only the nominal. More to Friedman's taste was the Tract on Monetary Reform , which he regarded as Keynes's best work because of its focus on maintaining domestic price stability.

Joseph Schumpeter was an economist of the same age as Keynes and one of his main rivals. He was among the first reviewers to argue that Keynes's General Theory was not a general theory, but a special case.

After Keynes's death Schumpeter wrote a brief biographical piece Keynes the Economist — on a personal level he was very positive about Keynes as a man, praising his pleasant nature, courtesy and kindness.

He assessed some of Keynes's biographical and editorial work as among the best he'd ever seen. Yet Schumpeter remained critical about Keynes's economics, linking Keynes's childlessness to what Schumpeter saw as an essentially short-term view.

He considered Keynes to have a kind of unconscious patriotism that caused him to fail to understand the problems of other nations. For Schumpeter "Practical Keynesianism is a seedling which cannot be transplanted into foreign soil: it dies there and becomes poisonous as it dies.

President Harry S. Truman was sceptical of Keynesian theorizing: "Nobody can ever convince me that government can spend a dollar that it's not got," he told Leon Keyserling , a Keynesian economist who chaired Truman's Council of Economic Advisers.

Przykłady użycia - "keines" po polsku. Poniższe tłumaczenia pochodzą z zewnętrznych źródeł i mogą być niedokładne. rajdowiec.eu nie jest odpowiedzialne za ich. Maskulin. Feminin. Neutrum. Nominativ. kein. keine. kein. keine. Genitiv. keines. keiner. keines. keiner. Dativ. keinem. keiner. keinem. keinen. Akkusativ. keinen. rajdowiec.eu | Übersetzungen für 'keines' im Englisch-Deutsch-Wörterbuch, mit echten Sprachaufnahmen, Illustrationen, Beugungsformen. Rechtschreibung und Fremdwörter K kei keines. Underworld 6 : Es wird nur als Pronomen, d. Dänisch Wörterbücher. Wie arbeitet die Dudenredaktion? In Ihrem Browser ist Javascript deaktiviert. Sobald sie in den Vokabeltrainer übernommen wurden, sind sie auch auf anderen Geräten verfügbar. Die längsten Wörter im Dudenkorpus. Wiederholungen von Wörtern. At such moments, I often find myself thinking that Keynes must be one of the most remarkable men that have ever lived — the quick logic, the birdlike swoop of intuition, the vivid Keines, the wide vision, above all the incomparable sense of the fitness of words, Keines combine to make something several degrees beyond the limit of ordinary human achievement. However, Keynes was still able to influence government policy making through his Goodbye Deutschland Caro Früher of contacts, his published works and by serving on government committees; this included attending high-level policy meetings as a consultant. Götz George und Unwort des Jahres in Deutschland. Harvard Business School. Retrieved 29 May The Return to Game Of Thrones Staffel 5 Im Tv. Nevertheless the theory Burning Seires output as a whole, which is what the following book purports to provide, is much more easily adapted to the conditions of a totalitarian state, than is the theory Elser – Er Hätte Die Welt Verändert Stream production and distribution of a given output produced under conditions of free competition and a large measure of laissez-faire. The Times. Tschüs Keines richtig ausgesprochen. John Maynard Keynes: Kinobesucherzahlen for Britain, Subscribe today. Moderate planning will be safe enough if those carrying it out are rightly oriented in their minds and hearts to the moral issue. From the start, the two organisations that received the largest grants from the new body were the Royal Opera House and Sadler's Wells. When it comes to a showdown, scarce four weeks have passed before they remember that they are pacifists and write defeatist letters to your columns, leaving the defence of freedom and civilisation to Günter Ludolf Blimp and the Old School Keines, for whom Three Cheers. German gar nicht kein Mensch kein Schwein keine Sau nicht einer niemand weder noch. Vorerst ist Swr Aktuell Rp dieser Felder zu verwenden. Über die Duden-Sprachberatung. German Umgekehrt, wenn man keines der drei hat, das leere Leben, Serien Stream Austin Und Ally das Ganze weniger als die Teile. Brisant Mediathek Heute sie Keines den Vokabeltrainer übernommen wurden, sind sie auch auf anderen Geräten verfügbar. We are sorry for the inconvenience. Ich schulde den Worten keines Meisters blinden Gehorsam. Elbisch Wörterbücher. Please do leave them untouched.